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All of this leaves health professionals and policymakers without the means to effectively address these issues. Moreover, adults do not really know what behaviors teenagers consider to be "sex" and, by the same token, what they consider to be its opposite, abstinence.
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The reports in the popular press that oral sex has become widespread among adolescents cannot be confirmed or refuted because the data to do so have never been collected. There is growing evidence, although still anecdotal and amassed largely by journalists, not researchers, that adolescents might be turning to behaviors that avoid pregnancy risk but leave them vulnerable to acquisition of many STDs, including HIV. It has become increasingly clear, however, that the narrow focus on sexual intercourse in research that does get funded is missing a major component of early sexual activity. Jesse Helms prohibited the funding of that survey, along with one of adults, "in fiscal year 1992 or any subsequent fiscal year." 2 Despite warnings that ideology was dictating science, the conservative leadership succeeded in casting these endeavors as "reprehensible sex surveys" only undertaken "to legitimize homosexuality and other sexually promiscuous lifestyles." 3) 1 The Senate's decision, prompted by pressure from a small group of conservative senators, to deny funding for the American Teenage Study of adolescent sexual behavior still reverberates in the scope of research on teenagers. * For example, the highly charged political debate in 1992 over federal financing of comprehensive sexuality studies had a chilling effect on adolescent sexuality research.
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The conflicts and passions usually surrounding the appropriateness of asking young people about sex, especially in public settings such as schools as compared with private households, become even more inflamed when the questions go into behaviors "beyond" intercourse.Īnother reason is the federal government's reluctance to sponsor such controversial research into the full range of noncoital behaviors among adolescents. Another is a generalized fear that asking young people about sex will somehow lead them to choose to have sex.
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One is the perceived difficulty of getting parents to consent to surveys on the sexual activity of their minor children (generally aged 17 and younger). There are several explanations for this dearth of information. Yet, health professionals and policymakers know very little about their prevalence among teenagers. More recently, infection with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), particularly with HIV, has fueled further public and scientific interest in teenage sexual behavior.īut to what extent does adolescent sexual activity consist of noncoital behaviors-that is, mutual masturbation, oral sex and anal intercourse-that are not linked to pregnancy but involve the risk of STDs? Some of these activities may also be precursors to vaginal intercourse. This is natural, given that attention to adolescent sexual activity arose initially out of concerns over the far-reaching problems associated with teenage pregnancy and childbearing. Yet all of these measures focus on-or relate to the possible results of-vaginal intercourse. Similar data exist on age at first intercourse, most recent sexual intercourse and current contraceptive use. Thanks to such surveys, we know how the proportion of 15-19-year-olds who have ever had intercourse has changed over the years.
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Over the past few decades, nationally representative surveys have accumulated a wealth of data on levels of adolescent sexual activity.